40 acres of land cost

40 acres of land cost DEFAULT

Forty acres and a mule

Attempt to redistribute land during the US Civil War

For the film production company, see 40 Acres and a Mule Filmworks.

Forty acres and a mule is part of Special Field Orders No. 15, a wartime order proclaimed by Union General William Tecumseh Sherman on January 16, 1865, during the American Civil War, to allot land to some freed families, in plots of land no larger than 40 acres (16 ha). Sherman later ordered the army to lend mules for the agrarian reform effort. The field orders followed a series of conversations between Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton and Radical Republican abolitionists Charles Sumner and Thaddeus Stevens[1] following disruptions to the institution of slavery provoked by the American Civil War. Many freed people believed, after being told by various political figures, that they had a right to own the land they had been forced to work as slaves and were eager to control their own property. Freed people widely expected to legally claim 40 acres of land (a quarter-quarter section) and a mule after the end of the war. Some freedmen took advantage of the order and took initiatives to acquire land plots along a strip of South Carolina, Georgia and Florida coasts.[2] However, Abraham Lincoln's successor as president, Andrew Johnson, tried to reverse the intent of Sherman's wartime field order #15 and similar provisions included in the second Freedmen's Bureau bills.

Some land redistribution occurred under military jurisdiction during the war and for a brief period thereafter. However, federal and state policy during the Reconstruction era emphasized wage labor, not land ownership, for black people. Almost all land allocated during the war was restored to its pre-war white owners. Several black communities did maintain control of their land, and some families obtained new land by homesteading. Black land ownership increased markedly in Mississippi during the 19th century, particularly. The state had much undeveloped bottomland (low-lying alluvial land near a river) behind riverfront areas that had been cultivated before the war. Most black people acquired land through private transactions, with ownership peaking at 15,000,000 acres (6,100,000 ha) in 1910, before an extended financial recession caused problems that resulted in the loss of property for many.

A 2020 study contrasted the successful distribution of free land to former slaves in the Cherokee Nation with the failure to give free land to former slaves in the Confederacy. The study found that even though levels of inequality in 1860 were similar in the Cherokee Nation and the Confederacy, former black slaves prospered in the Cherokee Nation over the next decades. The Cherokee Nation had lower levels of racial inequality, higher incomes for black people, higher literacy rates among black people, and greater school attendance rates among black people.[3]

Background[edit]

The institution of slavery in the United States deprived multiple generations of the opportunity to own land. Legally slaves could not own anything, but in practice they did acquire capital, although they were considered the lowest-ranking members of the capitalist system.[4] As legal slavery came to an end, many freed people fully expected to gain ownership of the land they had worked, as some abolitionists had led them to expect.[4][5]

African Americans faced severe discrimination and were maintained as a distinct "racial" group by laws requiring racial segregation and prohibiting so-called "miscegenation".[6] Perceived as a job-stealing threat to society—they were a downward force on wages since they usually would work for less than whites—and even more as a dangerous influence on those who remained enslaved, free Negroes were unwelcome in most areas of the United States.[7] Before the Civil War, most free blacks lived in the North, which had abolished slavery. In some places they acquired substantial real estate.[8]

In the South, vagrancy laws had allowed the states to force free Negroes into labor, and sometimes to sell them into slavery.[9][10] Nevertheless, free Africans across the country performed a variety of occupations, and a small number owned and operated successful farms.[11] Others settled in Upper Canada (now Southern Ontario), an endpoint of the Underground Railroad, and in Nova Scotia.[10]

Whites did not agree on how freed people ought to be treated. Some maintained that the land the freedmen had farmed for no pay should be taken from their former owners and given to them. Others wanted them sent "somewhere else"; they opposed the "race"-mixing that allowing them to remain in the U.S. would bring about. Plans for a "colony" of freedmen began in 1801, when James Monroe asked President Thomas Jefferson to help create a penal colony for rebellious blacks.[12][13] The American Colonization Society (ACS) formed in 1816 to address the issue of free African Americans through settlement (not resettlement) abroad.[14] Although there was discussion of settling freedmen in some undeveloped land in the new western territories, or helping them emigrate to Canada or Mexico, the ACS decided to send them to Africa, to the closest available land (and therefore the cheapest to reach). By 1860, the ACS had settled thousands of African Americans in Liberia. But colonization was slow and expensive and of little interest to most African Americans, who had no ties with or interest in Africa, and who said they were no more African than white Americans were British. Mortality from tropical diseases was ghastly, and while the enslaved population was in the millions, settlers to Liberia were in the low thousands. As mass emancipation loomed, there was no consensus about what to do with the millions of soon-to-be-free black slaves.[15][16] This issue had long been known to white authorities as "The Negro Problem".[16][17]

The idea of a land grant to an entire class of people was not as unusual in the 18th and 19th centuries as it seems today. There was so much land that it was often given free to anyone that would farm it. For example, Thomas Jefferson proposed a grant of 50 acres to any free man who did not already have at least that much, in his draft of a revolutionary constitution for Virginia in 1776.[18] More recently, various Homestead Acts were passed between 1862 and 1916, granting 160–640 acres (a quarter section to a full section), depending on the act, and earlier homesteading occurred under statutes such as the Preemption Act of 1841. Freedmen were not generally eligible for homesteading because they were not citizens, which changed with the Fourteenth Amendment in 1868 when they were granted citizenship, and with the Fifteenth Amendment, which in 1870 gave them the right to vote.

War[edit]

As the Northern Army began to seize property in its war with the South, Congress passed the Confiscation Act of 1861. This law allowed the military to seize rebel property, including land and slaves. In fact, it reflected the rapidly growing reality of black refugee camps that sprang up around the Union Army. These glaring manifestations of the "Negro Problem" provoked hostility from much of the Union rank-and-file—and necessitated administration by officers.[19]

Grand Contraband Camp[edit]

After secession, the Union maintained its control over Fort Monroe in Hampton on the coast of Southern Virginia. Escaped slaves rushed to the area, hoping for protection from the Confederate Army. (Even more quickly, the town's white residents fled to Richmond.)[20] General Benjamin Butler set a precedent for Union forces on May 24, 1861, when he refused to surrender escaped slaves to Confederates claiming ownership. Butler declared the slaves contraband of war and allowed them to remain with the Union Army.[21] By July 1861, there were 300 "contraband" slaves working for rations at Fort Monroe. By the end of July there were 900, and General Butler appointed Edward L. Pierce as Commissioner of Negro Affairs.[22]

Confederate raiders under General John B. Magruder burnt the nearby town of Hampton, Virginia on August 7, 1861, but the "contraband" blacks occupied its ruins.[22] They established a shantytown known as the Grand Contraband Camp. Many worked for the Army at a rate of $10.00/month, but these wages were not sufficient for them to make major improvements in housing. Conditions in the Camp grew worse, and Northern humanitarian groups sought to intervene on behalf of its 64,000 residents.[23][24] Captain C. B. Wilder was appointed to organize a response.[23] The perceived humanitarian crisis may have hastened Lincoln's plans for colonizing Île-à-Vache.[25]

A plan developed in September 1862 would have relocated refugees en masse to Massachusetts and other northern states.[26] This plan—initiated by John A. Dix and supported by Captain Wilder and Secretary of War Stanton—drew negative reactions from Republicans who wanted to avoid connecting northward black migration with the newly announced Emancipation Proclamation.[27] Fear of competition by black workers, as well as generalized racial prejudice, made the prospect of black refugees unpalatable for Massachusetts politicians.[28]

With support from orders from General Rufus Saxton, General Butler and Captain Wilder pursued local resettlement operations, providing many of the blacks in Hampton with two acres of land and tools with which to work.[16] Others were assigned jobs as servants in the North.[29] Various smaller camps and colonies were formed, including the Freedmen's Colony of Roanoke Island. Hampton was well known as one of the War's first and biggest refugee camps, and served as a sort of model for other settlements.[30]

Sea Islands[edit]

The Union Army occupied the Sea Islands after the November 1861 Battle of Port Royal, leaving the area's many cotton plantations to the black farmers who worked on them. The early liberation of the Sea Island blacks, and the relatively unusual absence of the former white masters, raised the issue of how the South might be organized after the fall of slavery. Lincoln, commented State Department official Adam Gurowski, "is frightened with the success in South Carolina, as in his opinion this success will complicate the question of slavery."[31][32] In the early days of federal occupation, troops were badly mistreating the island's residents, and had raided plantation supplies of food and clothing. One Union officer was caught preparing to secretly transport a group of blacks to Cuba, in order to sell them as slaves.[33] Abuses by Union troops continued even after a stable regime had been established.[34]

Gullah slaves had farmed the Sea Islands for several generations.

Treasury Secretary Salmon P. Chase had in December deployed Colonel William H. Reynolds to collect and sell whatever cotton could be confiscated from the Sea Island plantations.[35] Soon after, Chase deployed Edward Pierce (after his brief period at Grand Contraband Camp) to assess the situation in Port Royal.[36] Pierce found a plantation under strict Army control, paying wages too low to enable economic independence; he also criticized the Army's policy of shipping cotton North to be ginned.[37] Pierce reported that the black workers were experts in cotton farming but required white managers "to enforce a paternal discipline". He recommended the establishment of a supervised black farming collective to prepare the workers for the responsibilities of citizenship—and to serve as a model for post-slavery labor relations in the South.[38][39]

The Treasury Department sought to raise money and in many cases was already leasing occupied territories to Northern capitalists for private management. For Port Royal[40] Colonel Thomas had already prepared an arrangement of this type; but Pierce insisted that Port Royal offered the chance to "settle a great social question": namely, whether "when properly organized, and with proper motives set before them, [blacks] will as freemen be as industrious as any race of men are likely to be in this climate."[39][41] Chase sent Pierce to see President Lincoln. As Pierce later described the encounter:

Mr. Lincoln, who was then chafing under a prospective bereavement, listened for a few moments, and then said, somewhat impatiently, that he did not think he ought to be troubled with such details, that there seemed to be an itching to get negroes into our lines; to which I replied that these negroes were within them by the invitation of no one, being domiciled there before we began occupation. The President then wrote and handed to me the following card :

I shall be obliged if the Secretary of the Treasury will in his discretion give Mr. Pierce such instructions in regard to Port Royal contrabands as may seem judicious. A. LINCOLN.

Pierce accepted this reluctant mandate, but feared that "some unhappy compromise" might compromise his plan to engineer black citizenship.[42]

Port Royal Experiment[edit]

The collective was established and became known as the Port Royal Experiment: a possible model for black economic activity after slavery. The Experiment attracted support from Northerners like economist Edward Atkinson, who hoped to prove his theory that free labor would be more productive than slave labor.[43] More traditional abolitionists like Maria Weston Chapman also praised Pierce's plan. Civic groups like the American Missionary Association provided enthusiastic assistance.[44] These sympathetic Northerners quickly recruited a boatload (53 chosen from a pool of applicants several times larger) of Ivy League and divinity school graduates who set off for Port Royal on March 3, 1862.[45]

The residents of Port Royal generally resented the military and civilian occupiers, who exhibited racist superiority in varying degrees of overtness.[46] Joy turned to sorrow when, on May 12 Union soldiers arrived to draft all able-bodied black men previously liberated on April 13, 1862, by General David Hunter who proclaimed slavery abolished in Georgia, South Carolina, and Alabama.[47] Hunter kept his regiment even after Lincoln reversed this tri-state emancipation proclamation; but disbanded almost all of it when unable to draw payroll from the War Department.[48] Black farmers preferred to grow vegetables and catch fish, whereas the missionaries (and other whites on the islands) encouraged monoculture of cotton as a cash crop.[49] In the thinking of the latter, civilization would be advanced by incorporating blacks into the consumer economy dominated by Northern manufacturing.[50]

Meanwhile, various conflicts arose among the missionaries, the Army, and the merchants whom Chase and Reynolds had invited to Port Royal in order to confiscate all that could be sold.[51] On balance, however, the white sponsors of the Experiment had perceived positive results; businessman John Murray Forbes in May 1862 called it "a decided success", announcing that Blacks would indeed work in exchange for wages.[52]

Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton appointed General Rufus Saxton as military governor of Port Royal in April 1862, and by December Saxton was agitating for permanent black control over the land. He won support from Stanton, Chase, Sumner, and President Lincoln, but met continuing resistance from a tax commission that wanted to sell the land.[53] Saxton also received approval to train a black militia, which formally became the 1st South Carolina Volunteers on January 1, 1863, when the Emancipation Proclamation legalized its existence.[54]

Landownership in the Sea Islands[edit]

As elsewhere, black workers felt strongly that they had a claim to the lands they worked.

The Confiscation Act of 1862 allowed the Treasury Department to sell many captured lands on the grounds of delinquent taxes. All told, the government now claimed 76,775 acres of Sea Island land.[55] Auditors arrived in Port Royal and began to assess the estates now occupied by blacks and missionaries.[56] The stakes were high: the Sea Island cotton harvest represented a lucrative commodity for Northern investors to control.[57]

Most of the whites involved in the project felt that black ownership of the land should be its final result. Saxton—along with journalists including Free South editor James G. Thompson, and missionaries including Methodist minister Mansfield French—lobbied hard for distribution of the land to black owners.[58] In January 1863, Saxton unilaterally halted the Treasury Department's tax sale on the grounds of military necessity.[57]

The tax commissioners conducted the auction regardless, selling ten thousand acres of land.[59] Eleven plantations went to a consortium ("The Boston Concern") headed by Edward Philbrick, who sold the land in 1865 to black farmers.[57][60] One black farming collective outbid the outside investors, paying an average of $7.00 per acre for the 470 plantation on which they already lived and worked.[59] Overall, the majority of the land was sold to Northern investors and remained under their control.[57]

In September 1863, Lincoln announced a plan to auction 60,000 acres of South Carolina land in lots of 320 acres—setting aside 16,000 acres of the land for "heads of families of the African race", who could obtain 20-acre lots sold at $1.25/acre.[61] Tax Commissioner William Brisbane envisioned racial integration on the islands, with large plantation owners employing landless blacks.[62] But Saxton and French considered the 16,000-acre reserve to be inadequate, and instructed black families to stake claims and build houses on all 60,000 acres of the land.[63] French traveled to Washington in December 1863 to lobby for legal confirmation of the plan.[64] At French's urging, Chase and Lincoln authorized Sea Island families (and solitary wives of soldiers in the Union Army) to claim 40-acre plots. Other individuals over the age of 21 would be allowed to claim 20 acres. These plots would be purchased at $1.25 per acre, with 40% paid upfront and 60% paid later. With a requirement of six months' prior residency, the order functionally restricted settlement to blacks, missionaries, and others who were already involved in the Experiment.[65]

Claims to land under the new plan began to arrive immediately, but Commissioner Brisbane ignored them, hoping for another reversal of the decision in Washington.[66] Chase did indeed reverse his position in February, restoring the plan for a tax sale.[67] The sale took place in late February, with land selling for an average price of more than $11/acre.[68] The sale provoked outcry from freedpeople who had already claimed land according to Chase's December order.[69]

"Negroes of Savannah"[edit]

Major General William Tecumseh Sherman's "March to the Sea" brought a massive regiment of the Union Army to the Georgia coast in December 1864. Accompanying the Army were an estimated ten thousand black refugees, former slaves. This group was already suffering from starvation and disease.[70][71] Many former slaves had become disillusioned by the Union Army, having suffered pillaging, rape, and other abuses.[72] They arrived in Savannah "after long marches and severe privations, weary, famished, sick, and almost naked.[73] On December 19, Sherman dispatched many of these slaves to Hilton Head, an island already serving as refugee camp. Saxton reported on December 22 "Every cabin and house on these islands is filled to overflowing—I have some 15,000." 700 more arrived on Christmas.[74]

On January 11, 1865, Secretary of War Edwin Stanton arrived in Savannah with Quartermaster General Montgomery C. Meigs and other officials. This group met with Generals Sherman and Saxton to discuss the refugee crisis. They decided, in turn, to consult leaders from the local Black community and ask them: "What do you want for your own people?" A meeting was duly arranged.[75]

At 8:00 PM on January 12, 1865, Sherman met with a group of twenty people, many of whom had been slaves for most of their lives. The blacks of Savannah had seized the opportunity of emancipation to strengthen their community's institutions, and they had strong political feelings.[76] They selected one spokesperson: Garrison Frazier, the 67-year-old former pastor of Third African Baptist. In the late 1850s, he had for $1,000 bought freedom for himself and his wife.[77] Frazier had consulted with the refugees as well as the other representatives. He told Sherman: "The way we can best take care of ourselves is to have land, and turn it and till it by our own labor." Frazier suggested that young men would serve the government in fighting the Rebels, and that therefore "the women and children and old men" would have to work this land. Almost all of those present agreed to request land grants for autonomous black communities, on the grounds that racial hatred would prevent economic advancement for blacks in mixed areas.[78][79]

Sherman's Special Field Orders, No. 15[edit]

Sherman's Special Field Orders, No. 15, issued on January 16, 1865, instructed officers to settle these refugees on the Sea Islands and inland: 400,000 total acres divided into 40-acre plots.[1][80] Though mules (beasts of burden used for plowing) were not mentioned,[1] some of its beneficiaries did receive them from the army.[81] Such plots were colloquially known as "Blackacres", which may have a basis for their origin in contract law.[clarification needed][citation needed]

Sherman's orders specifically allocated "the islands from Charleston, south, the abandoned rice fields along the rivers for thirty miles back from the sea, and the country bordering the St. Johns River, Florida." The order specifically prohibits whites from settling in this area. Saxton, who, with Stanton, helped to craft the document, was promoted to major general and charged with oversight of the new settlement.[82] On February 3, Saxton addressed a large freedpeople's meeting at Second African Baptist, announcing the order and outlining preparations for new settlement.[83][84] By June 1865, about 40,000 freedpeople were settled on 435,000 acres (180,000 ha) in the Sea Islands.[85][86]

The Special Field Orders were issued by Sherman, not the federal government with regards to all former slaves, and he issued similar ones "throughout the campaign to assure the harmony of action in the area of operations."[87] It was claimed by some that these settlements were never intended to last. However, this was never the understanding of the settlers—nor of General Saxton, who said he asked Sherman to cancel the order unless it was meant to be permanent.[88]

In practice, the areas of land settled were quite variable. James Chaplin Beecher observed that the "so called 40 acre tract[s] vary in size from eight acres to (450) four hundred and fifty."[89] Some areas were settled by groups: Skidaway Island was colonized by a group of over 1000 people, including Reverend Ulysses L. Houston.[90]

Significance[edit]

The Sea Islands project reflected a policy of "40 acres and a mule" as the basis for post-slavery economics. Especially in 1865, the precedent it set was highly visible to newly free blacks seeking land of their own.[91]

Freedpeople from across the region flocked to the area in search of land.[92][93] The result was refugee camps afflicted by disease and short on supplies.[92][94]

Especially after Sherman's Orders, the coastal settlements generated enthusiasm for a new society that would supplant the slave system. Reported one journalist in April 1865: "It was the Plymouth colony repeating itself. They agreed if any others came to join them, they should have equal privileges. So blooms the Mayflower on the South Atlantic Coast."[95]

Wage labor system[edit]

Beginning in occupied Louisiana under General Nathaniel P. Banks, the military developed a wage-labor system for cultivating large areas of land. This system—which took effect with Lincoln and Stanton's blessing soon after the Emancipation Proclamation legitimized contracts with the freedpeople—offered ironclad one-year contracts to freedpeople. The contract promised $10/month as well as provisions and medical care. The system was soon also adopted by General Lorenzo Thomas in Mississippi.[96]

Sometimes land came under the control of Treasury officials. Jurisdictional disputes erupted between the Treasury Department and the military.[97] Criticism of Treasury Department profiteering by General John Eaton and journalists who witnessed the new form of plantation labor influenced public opinion in the North and pressured Congress to support direct control of land by freedmen.[98] The Treasury Department, particularly as Secretary Chase prepared to seek the Republican nomination in 1864, accused the military of treating the freedpeople inhumanely.[96] Lincoln decided in favor of military rather than Treasury jurisdiction, and the wage labor system became more deeply established.[99] Abolitionist critics of the policy called it no better than serfdom.[100]

Davis Bend[edit]

One of the largest black landownership projects took place at Davis Bend, Mississippi, the 11,000-acre site of plantations owned by Joseph Davis and his famous younger brother Jefferson, president of the Confederacy. Influenced by some aspects of Robert Owen's socialism, Joseph Davis had established the experimental 4000-acre Hurricane Plantation in 1827 at Davis Bend.[101] Davis allowed several hundred slaves to eat nutritious food, live in well-built cottages, receive medical care, and resolve their disputes in a weekly "Hall of Justice" court. His motto was: "The less people are governed, the more submissive they will be to control."[102] Davis relied heavily on the managerial skills of Ben Montgomery, a well-educated slave who conducted much of the plantation's business.

The Battle of Shiloh began a period of turmoil (1862–1863), at Davis Bend, although its black residents continued farming. The plantation was occupied by two companies of black Union troops in December 1863. Under the command of Colonel Samuel Thomas, these soldiers began to fortify the area. General Ulysses S. Grant had expressed a desire to make of the Davis plantations "a negro paradise." Thomas began to lease the land to black tenants for the 1864 crop season.[103][104] Black refugees who had gathered in Vicksburg moved en masse to Davis Bend under the auspices of the Freedman's Department (an agency created by the military prior to Congressional authorization of the "Freedmen's Bureau", discussed below).[105]

Davis Bend was caught in the middle of the turf war between the military and the Treasury Department. In February 1864, the Treasury re-confiscated 2000 acres of Davis Bend, restoring them to white owners who had sworn loyalty oaths.[106] It also leased 1,200 acres to Northern investors.[107] Although Thomas resisted instructions to prevent the free blacks from farming, General Eaton ordered him to comply. Eaton also ordered Thomas to confiscate farming equipment held by blacks, on the grounds that—because Mississippi law banned slaves from owning property—they must have stolen such possessions.[107] The Treasury Department sought to charge the plantation workers a fee for using the cotton gin.[105] The residents of Davis Bend objected strenuously to these measures. In a petition signed by 56 farmers (including Montgomery) and published in the New Orleans Tribune:[108]

At the commencement of our present year, this plantation was, in compliance with an order of our Post Commander, deprived of horses, mules, oxen and farming utensils of every description, very much of which had been captured and brought into Union lines by the undersigned; in consequence of which deprivations, we were, of course, reduced to the necessity of buying everything necessary for farming, and having thus far succeeded in performing by far the most expensive and laborious part of our work, we are prepared to accomplish the ginning, pressing, weighing, marking, consigning, etc., in a business-like order if allowed to do so.

Freedmen's Bureau[edit]

From 1863 to 1865, Congress debated what policies it might adopt to address the social issues that would confront the South after the war. The Freedmen's Aid Society pushed for a "Bureau of Emancipation" to assist in the economic transition away from slavery. It used Port Royal as evidence that blacks could live and work on their own.[109]Land reform was often discussed, though some objected that too much capital would be required to ensure the success of black farmers.[110] On January 31, 1865, the House of Representatives approved the 13th Amendment, which outlaws slavery and involuntary servitude except in the case of punishment.

Congress continued to debate the economic and social status of the free population, with land reform identified as critical to realizing black freedom.[111][112] A bill drafted in conference committee to provide limited land tenure for one year while authorizing military supervision of freedmen was rejected in the Senate by abolitionists who thought it did not do justice to the freedmen.[113] A six-person committee quickly wrote "an entirely new bill" which substantially increased its promise to the freedmen.[114]

This stronger version of the bill passed both houses on March 3, 1865. With this bill, Congress established the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands under the War Department. The Bureau had authority to provide supplies for refugees—and an unfunded mandate to redistribute land, in parcels of up to 40 acres:[115]

Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That the commissioner, under the direction of the President, shall have authority to set apart, for the use of loyal refugees and freedmen, such tracts of land within the insurrectionary states as shall have been abandoned, or to which the United States shall have acquired title by confiscation or sale, or otherwise, and to every male citizen, whether refugee or freedman, as aforesaid, there shall be assigned not more than forty acres of such land, and the person to whom it was so assigned shall be protected in the use and enjoyment of the land for the term of three years at an annual rent not exceeding six per centum upon the value of such land, as it was appraised by the state authorities in the year eighteen hundred and sixty, for the purpose of taxation, and in case no such appraisal can be found, then the rental shall be based upon the estimated value of the land in said year, to be ascertained in such manner as the commissioner may by regulation prescribe. At the end of said term, or at any time during said term, the occupants of any parcels so assigned may purchase the land and receive such title thereto as the United States can convey, upon paying therefor the value of the land, as ascertained and fixed for the purpose of determining the annual rent aforesaid.

The bill thus established a system in which Southern blacks could lease abandoned and confiscated land, with yearly rent at 6% (or less) of the land's value (assessed for tax purposes in 1860). After three years, they would have the option to buy this land at full price. The Bureau in charge, which became known as the Freedmen's Bureau, was placed under the continuing supervision of the military because Congress anticipated the need to defend black settlements from White Southerners.[115] The bill mandated institutionalized black landownership of the same land that had formerly relied on their unpaid labor.[116]

After Lincoln's assassination, Andrew Johnson became president. On May 29, 1865, Johnson issued an amnesty proclamation to ordinary Southern citizens who swore loyalty oaths, promising not only political immunity but also return of confiscated property. (Johnson's proclamation excluded Confederate politicians, military officers, and landowners with property worth more than $20,000.) General O. O. Howard, chief of the Freedmen's Bureau, requested an interpretation from Attorney General James Speed regarding how this proclamation would affect the Freedmen's Bureau mandate. Speed replied on June 22, 1865, that the Bureau Commissioner:[117][118][119][120]

... has authority, under the direction of the President, to set apart for the use of loyal refugees and freedmen the lands in question; and he is required to assign to every male of that class of persons, not more than forty acres of such lands.

Circular #13[edit]

Howard acted quickly based on the authorization from Speed, ordering an inventory of lands available for redistribution and resisting white Southerners' attempts to reclaim property.[121][122] At its peak in 1865, the Freedmen's Bureau controlled 800,000–900,000 acres of plantation lands previously belonging to slave owners.[123] This area represented 0.2% of land in the South; ultimately the Johnson proclamation required the Bureau to re-allocate most of it to its former owners.[117]

On July 28, 1865, Howard issued "Circular no. 13", a directive within the Freedmen's Bureau to issue land to refugees and freedmen. Circular no. 13 explicitly instructed Bureau agents to prioritize the Congressional mandate for land distribution over Johnson's amnesty declaration. Its final section clarified: "The pardon of the President will not be understood to extend to the surrender of abandoned or confiscated property which by law has been 'set apart for Refugees and Freedmen'".[124][125] With Circular #13, land redistribution was an official policy for the entire South, and understood as such by army officers.[126]

After issuing Circular 13, however, Howard, seemingly unaware of how significant and controversial his instructions might prove, left Washington for a vacation in Maine.[127] President Johnson and others began to counteract the Circular almost immediately. After Johnson ordered the Bureau to restore the estate of a complaining Tennessee plantation owner, General Joseph S. Fullerton suggested to at least one subordinate that Circular #13 "will not be observed for the present".[128]

When Howard returned to Washington, Johnson ordered him to write a new Circular that would respect his policy of land restoration. Johnson rejected Howard's draft and wrote his own version, which he issued on September 12 as Circular #15—including Howard's name.[129] Circular #15 established strict criteria for designating a property as "officially confiscated" and had the effect in many places of ending land redistribution completely.[130]

Especially during the six-week period between Circular #13 and Circular #15, '40 acres and a mule' (along with other supplies necessary for farming) represented a common promise of Freedmen's Bureau agents. Clinton B. Fisk, Assistant Commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau for Kentucky and Tennessee, had announced at a black political assembly: "They must not only have freedom but homes of their own, thirty or forty acres, with mules, cottages, and schoolhouses etc."

A Bureau administrator in Virginia proposed leasing to each family a 40-acre plot of land, a pair of mules, harnesses, a cart, tools, seeds, and food supplies. The family would pay for these supplies after growing crops and selling them.[131]

Black Codes[edit]

Main article: Black Codes (United States)

Bureau agents encountered legal problems in allocating land to freedpeople as a result of the "Black Codes" passed by Southern legislatures in late 1865 and 1866. Some of the new laws prevented black people from owning or leasing land. The Freedmen's Bureau generally treated the black Codes as invalid, based on federal legislation. However, the Bureau was not always able to enforce its interpretation after the Union Army had substantially demobilized.[132]

Colonization and homesteading[edit]

During and after the war, politicians, generals and others envisioned a variety of colonization plans that would have provided real estate to black families. Although the American Colonization Society had been colonizing more people in Liberia and receiving more donations (almost one million dollars in the 1850s), it did not have the means to respond to mass emancipation.[15]

Foreign colonization plans[edit]

Lincoln had long supported colonization as a plausible solution to the problem of slavery, and pursued colonization plans throughout his presidency.[133][134] In 1862, Congress approved $600,000 to fund Lincoln's plan for colonizing blacks "in a climate congenial to them", and granted Lincoln broad executive powers to orchestrate colonization.[134][135] Lincoln immediately created an Emigration Office within the Department of the Interior and instructed the State Department to acquire suitable land.[134] The first major plan considered would have sent employed free blacks as coal miners in Chiriquí Province, Panama (then part of Gran Colombia). Volunteers were promised 40 acres of land and a job in the mines; Senator Samuel C. Pomeroy, whom Lincoln had appointed to oversee the plan, had also purchased mules, yokes, tools, wagons, seeds, and other supplies to support a potential colony. Pomeroy accepted 500 of the 13,700 people who applied for the job. However, the plan was canceled by the end of the year, thanks to a discovery that Chiriquí's coal was of poor quality.[136][137][138]

Like Liberia, an independent black nation, Haiti was also considered a good place to colonize freedpeople from the U.S.[139][140] As the Chiriquí plan was hitting its stride in 1862, Lincoln was developing another plan to colonize the small island of Île à Vache near Haiti.[141] Lincoln struck a deal with businessman Bernard Kock, who had obtained rights to lease the island for cultivation and wood-cutting.[142] A total of 453 Blacks, mostly young men from the Tidewater region around occupied Hampton, Virginia, volunteered to colonize the island.[143] On April 14, 1863, they left Fort Monroe in the "Ocean Ranger".[144][145] Kock confiscated all of the money possessed by the colonists and did not pay their wages.[144] Initial reports suggested dire conditions, though these were later disputed. A number of colonists died in the first year.[146] 292 survivors from the original group remained on the island and 73 had moved to Aux Cayes; most were restored to the U.S. by a mission of the Navy in February 1864.[147][148] Congress rescinded Lincoln's colonization authority in July 1863.[149]

Lincoln continued to pursue colonization plans, particularly in the British West Indies, but none came to fruition. The American Colonization Society settled a few hundred people in Liberia during the war, and several thousand more in the five years following.[150]

Domestic colonization plans[edit]

Confederate general Nathan Bedford Forrest had proposed in 1865 before the end of the war to hire black soldiers and freedmen in constructing a railroad for the Memphis and Little Rock Railroad Company, paying them with $1/day and land along the railway line.[151] This proposal later gained the endorsements of Sherman, Howard, Johnson, and Arkansas Governor Isaac Murphy.[152] Howard transported several hundred freedmen from Alabama to Arkansas for work on the line. He appointed Edward Ord to supervise the project and protect the freedmen from Forrest.[151]

Southern Homesteading Act[edit]

Main article: Southern Homestead Act of 1866

As it became clear that the pool of land available for blacks was rapidly shrinking, the Union discussed various proposals for how blacks might resettle and eventually own their own land. In Virginia, the mass of landless blacks represented a growing crisis—soon to be exacerbated by the return of 10,000 black soldiers from Texas. Concerned about a possible insurrection, Colonel Orlando Brown (head of the Freedmen's Bureau in Virginia) proposed relocating Virginia's blacks to Texas or Florida. Brown proposed that the federal government reserve 500,000 acres in Florida for colonization by the soldiers and 50,000 other free blacks from Virginia. Howard took Brown's proposal to Congress.[153][154]

In December 1865, Congress began to debate the "Second Freedmen's Bureau bill", which would have opened three million acres of unoccupied public land in Florida, Mississippi, and Arkansas for homesteading.[155] (An amendment to allow black homesteading on public lands in the North was defeated.) Congress passed the bill in February 1866 but could not override Johnson's veto.[156] (Congress passed a more limited "Second Freedmen's Bureau Bill" in July 1866, and did override Johnson's veto.)

Howard continued to push for Congress to appropriate land for allocation to freedmen. With support from Thaddeus Stevens and William Fessenden, Congress began to debate a new bill for black settlement of public lands in the South. The result was the Southern Homestead Act, which opened 46,398,544.87 acres of land in Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi and Arkansas to homesteading; initially 80-acre parcels (half-quarter section) until June 1868, and thereafter 160-acre parcels (quarter section). Johnson signed this bill and it went into effect on June 21, 1866. Until January 1, 1867, the bill specified, only free blacks and loyal whites would be allowed access to these lands.[157]

Howard, concerned about competition with Confederates that would begin in 1867, ordered Bureau agents to inform free blacks about the Homesteading Act.[158] Local commissioners did not disseminate the information widely,[159] and many freedpeople were unwilling to venture into unknown territory, with insufficient supplies, based only on the promise of land after five years.[160]

Those who did attempt homesteading encountered unreliable bureaucracy that often did not comply with federal law. They also faced extremely harsh conditions, usually on low quality land that had been rejected by white settlers in years past. Nevertheless, free blacks entered about 6,500 claims to homesteads; about 1000 of these eventually resulted in property certificates.[161]

Outcomes[edit]

Southern land owners regained control over almost all of the land they had claimed before the war. The national dialogue about land ownership as a key to success for freedpeople gave way (in the sphere of white politics and media) to the implementation of a plantation wage system. Under pressure from Johnson and other pro-capital politicians in the North, and from almost all of white society in the South, the Freedmen's Bureau was transformed from a protector of land rights to an enforcer of wage labor.[162]

Hopes and expectations[edit]

Free blacks in the South widely believed that all land would be redistributed to those who had worked on it. They also felt strongly that they had a right to own this land.[5][163] Many expected this event to occur by Christmas 1865 or New Year's 1866.[164][165][166] Although the freedpeople formed this belief in response to the policies of the Freedmen's Bureau and Circular #13, their hopes were soon downplayed as superstition akin to belief in Santa Claus.[167][168]

Hope for "40 acres and a mule" specifically was prevalent beginning in early 1865. The expectation of "40 acres" came from the explicit terms of Sherman's Field Order and the Freedmen's Bureau bill. The "mule" may have been added simply as an obvious necessity for achieving prosperity through agriculture.[93] ("Forty acres" was a slogan, which though it did appear often in formal declarations, represented a wide variety of different arrangements for land ownership and farming.)[169]

A counter-rumor spread among Southern whites that when the land was not redistributed on Christmas, angry blacks would launch a violent insurrection. Alabama and Mississippi passed laws forming White paramilitary groups, which violently disarmed free black people.[170]

Wage labor[edit]

Southern farmowners complained that because they were waiting for land, the newly free blacks would not readily sign long-term labor contracts.[164][171][172] South Carolina Governor James Lawrence Orr asked Johnson in 1866 to continue pushing his land policy, writing that "complete restoration will restore complete harmony".[173]

Black hopes for land came to be seen as a major barrier to economic productivity, and forces from both South and North worked hard to dispel them.[174][175] Southern governments passed "Black Codes" to prevent blacks from owning or leasing land, and to restrict their freedom of movement.[176][177] Agents of the Freedmen's Bureau now told blacks that redistribution was impossible and that they would need to perform wage labor to survive. If they could not persuade people to sign contracts, they would insist forcefully.[178] Thomas Conway, the Bureau Commissioner in Louisiana, ordered: "Hire them out! Cut wood! Do anything to avoid a state of idleness."[179] Even Rufus Saxton, who campaigned actively for black property in the Sea Islands, issued a Circular instructing his agents to dispel the rumor of redistribution at New Year's 1866.[93] (The unfunded Bureau drew its own finances from profits generated by freedpeople under contract.)[180] Although some Whites continued to press for colonization, most now believed that black labor could be recuperated through the wage system.[176]

According to many historians, economic negotiations between blacks and whites in the South thus unfolded within the parameters dictated by the Johnson administration.[181] Southern plantation owners pushed blacks toward servitude, while the Republican Congress pushed for free wage labor and civil rights.[182] Eventually, under this framework, sharecropping emerged as the dominant mode of production.[183] Some historians, such as Robert McKenzie, have challenged the prevalence of this "standard scenario" and argued that land ownership fluctuated significantly during the 1870s.[184] Black land ownership did increase across the South.[166]

Tidewater Virginia[edit]

Many blacks who had settled on property surrounding Hampton were forced to leave by various means.[185] These included Johnson's aggressive restoration policy, Black Codes passed by the Virginia legislature, and with vigilante enforcement by returning Confederates.[186] Union troops also forcefully evicted settlers, sometimes provoking violent standoffs; many blacks came to trust the Freedmen's Bureau no more than they did the Rebels.[185][187] In 1866 Tidewater's refugee camps were still full, and many of their residents were sick and dying. Relations with Northern and Southern whites had become violently hostile. The whites (military occupiers and local residents) agreed on a plan to deport the freedpeople back to their counties of origin.[188]

After the turbulence of restoration, land ownership steadily increased. Hampton already had at least some black landowners, such as the family of American Revolutionary War veteran Caesar Tarrant.[189] In 1860, about eight free Negroes owned land in Hampton.[189] By 1870, approximately 121 free Blacks owned land in the area.[190] Those who owned land before the war expanded their holdings.[191]

Some of the blacks in Hampton formed a community land trust called Lincon's Land Association and purchased several hundred acres of surrounding land.[192] Land for the Hampton Institute (later Hampton University), was acquired from 1867 to 1872 with assistance from George Whipple of the American Missionary Association.[193][194] Whipple also helped to sell 44 individual lots to black owners.[190]

Many freedpeople could not afford to purchase land immediately after the war, but earned money in jobs outside farming such as fishing and oystering. Black land ownership thus increased even faster (though not for everyone) during the 1870s.[195] In Charles City County, three-quarters of black farm workers owned their own farms, with an average size of 36 acres.[195] In York County, 50% owned their farms, which averaged 20 acres.[196] (Statedwide, the number of landowners was high, but the average size of land was only 4 acres.)[197] These relatively small farms, on relatively poor land, did not generate enormous profits.[197][198] However, they did constitute a base of economic power, and blacks from this region held political office at a high rate.[199][200]

Survivors of the camps also achieved a high level of land ownership and business success in the town of Hampton itself.[201]

Sea Islands[edit]

The May 29 amnesty proclamation did not apply to many Sea Islands landowners; however, most of these had secured special pardons directly from Johnson.[202] General Rufus Saxton was overwhelmed with ownership claims for properties in the "Sherman Reserve".[203] Saxton wrote to Howard on September 5, 1865, asking him to protect black landownership on the Sea Islands:[204]

General, I have the honor to report that the old owners of the lands on the Sea Islands, are making strong efforts to regain possession of them. These Islands were set apart for the colonization of the freedmen, by General Sherman's Special Field Order no. 15: Head Quarters Military Division of the Mississippi: In pursuance of this Order, which was issued as a military necessity, with the full approval and sanction of the Honorable Secretary of War, I, as you are already aware, have colonized some forty (40) thousand Freedmen, on forty (40) acre Tracts. promising them that they should have promissory titles to the same.

I consider that the faith of the Government is solemnly pledged to these people, who have been faithful to it. and that we have no right now to dispossess them of their lands.

I believe that Congress will decide that Genl Sherman's Order has all the binding effects of a Statute, and that Mr. Stanton will sustain you in not giving up any of these lands to their late owners.

I respectfully ask that this Order which I have carried out in good faith, Shall now be enforced, and that no part or parcel of the lands which have been disposed of under its just provisions, shall, under any circumstances, be restored to the former owners. It seems to me not as wise or prudent to do injustice to those who have always been loyal and true, in order to be lenient to those who have done their best to destroy the nation's life.

Circular no. 15, issued days later, led the land's former owners to increase their efforts. Saxton continued to resist, passing their written requests to Howard with the comment:[205]

The freedmen were promised the protection of the Government in their possession. This order was issued under a great military necessity with the approval of the War Department. I was appointed the executive officer to carry it out. More than forty thousand destitute freedmen have been provided with homes under its promises. I cannot break faith with them now by recommending the restoration of any of these lands. In my opinion this order of General Sherman is as binding as a statute.

Johnson dispatched Howard to the Islands, with instructions to broker a "mutually satisfactory" settlement. Howard understood that this implied a complete restoration of pre-war ownership.[206] He informed the islanders of Johnson's intention. But (with support from Stanton, who felt comfortable with a literal interpretation of the phrase "mutually satisfactory")[207][208] appointed a sympathetic captain, Alexander P. Ketchum, to form a commission overseeing the transition.[209] Ketchum and Saxton proceeded to resist resettlement claims by Confederate whites.[210]

The settlers formed a solidarity network to resist reclamation of their lands, and proved willing to defend their homes with vigorous displays of force.[210][211] The Sea Island homesteaders also wrote directly to Howard and Johnson, insisting that the government keep its promise and maintain their homesteads.

However, the prevailing political wind continued to favor the Southern landowners. Saxton and Ketchum lost their positions; Daniel Sickles and Robert K. Scott assumed power.[212] In the winter of 1866–1867, Sickles turned the Union Army on the settlers, evicting all those that could not produce the correct deed. Black settlers retained control over 1,565 titles amounting to 63,000 acres.[213] Scott recounted in his report to Congress: "The officers of these detachments in many instances took from the freedmen their certificates, declared them worthless, and destroyed them in their presence. Upon refusing to accept the contracts offered, the people in several instances were thrust out into the highways, where, being without shelter, many perished from small-pox, which prevailed to an alarming extent among them."[214][215]

Soldiers continued to evict settlers and enforce work agreements, leading in 1867 to a large-scale armed standoff between the Army and a group of farmers who would not renew their contract with a plantation owner.[216] General Davis Tillson in Georgia ordered a modification to the title of black landowners "as to give a man holding one, not forty acres, but as much land as he could work well, say from ten to fifteen acres—and that the balance of the land should be turned over to Messrs. Scuyler and Winchester, who should be allowed to hire the remaining freed people who wish to work for them [...]".[217] 90% of the land on Skidaway Island was confiscated.[218]

The (second) Second Freedmen's Bureau bill, passed in July 1866 over Johnson's veto, stipulated the freedpeople whose lands had been restored to Confederate owners could pay $1.25 per acre for up to 20 acres of land in St. Luke and St. Helena parishes of Beaufort County, South Carolina.[219][220] This district was overseen by Major Martin R. Delaney, an abolitionist and advocate of black land ownership.[219] About 1,900 families with land titles resettled in Beaufort County, buying 19,040 acres of land at relatively low rates.[221]

Many people remained on the islands and maintained the Gullah culture of their ancestors. Several hundred thousand Gullah people live on the Sea Islands today. Their claim to the land has been threatened in recent decades by developers seeking to build vacation resorts.[222]

Davis Bend[edit]

Thomas denied their request and accused Montgomery of having promoted the petition to further his own profits.[223] Montgomery appealed to Joseph Davis, who had returned to Mississippi in October 1865 and was staying in Vicksburg.

Samuel Thomas was eventually removed from his post. Joseph Davis regained control of his plantation in 1867 and promptly sold it to Benjamin Montgomery for $300,000.[224] This price, $75 per acre, was comparatively low.[225] The transaction itself was illegal because the Mississippi Black Codes outlawed sale of property to blacks; Davis and Montgomery therefore conducted the deal in secret.[226]

Montgomery invited free blacks to settle the land and work there. In 1887, led by Benjamin's son Isaiah Montgomery, the group founded a new settlement at Mound Bayou, Mississippi.[227] Mound Bayou remains an autonomous and virtually all-Black community.[228]

Politics[edit]

15th Amendment, or the Darkey's millennium - 40 acres of land and a mule, from Robert N. Dennis collection of stereoscopic views.

Thaddeus Stevens and Charles Sumner continued to support land reform for freedpeople, but were opposed by a large bloc of politicians who did not want to violate property rights or redistribute capital.[229]

Many radical Northerners withdrew their support for land reform in the years following the war. One reason for the shift in political opinion was fear by the Republicans that land ownership might lead Blacks to align with Democrats for economic reasons. In general, politicians turned their focus to the legal status of freedpeople.[230] In the analysis of W. E. B. Du Bois, black suffrage became more politically palatable precisely as an inexpensive alternative to well-funded agrarian reform.[110]

Legacy[edit]

By the 1870s, blacks had abandoned hope of federal land redistribution, but many still saw "forty acres and a mule" as the key to freedom.[231] Black land ownership in the South increased steadily despite the failure of federal Reconstruction.[232] One quarter of black farmers in the South owned their land by 1900. Near the coast, they owned an average of 27 acres; inland, an average of 48 acres.[233] By comparison, 63% of Southern white farmers owned their land.[234] Most of this land was simply bought through private transactions.[232]

In 1910, black Americans owned 15,000,000 acres of land, most of it in Alabama, Mississippi, North Carolina, and South Carolina. This figure has since declined to 5,500,000 acres in 1980 and to 2,000,000 acres in 1997.[235][236][237] Most of this land is not the area held by black families in 1910; beyond the "Black Belt", it is located in Texas, Oklahoma, and California.[238] The total number of Black farmers has decreased from 925,708 in 1920 to 18,000 in 1997; the number of white farmers has also decreased, but much more slowly.[238] Black American land ownership has diminished more than that of any other ethnic group, while white land ownership has increased.[235] Black families who inherit land across generations without obtaining an explicit title (often resulting in tenancy in common by multiple descendants) may have difficulty gaining government benefits and risk losing their land completely.[236][239] Outright fraud and lynchings have also been used to strip black people of their land.[240][241]

Black landowners are common targets of eminent domain laws invoked to make way for public works projects.[242] At Harris Neck in the Sea Islands, a group of Gullah freedpeople retained 2,681 acres of high-quality land due to the Will of the plantation owner Marg[a]ret Ann Harris. About 100 black farmers continued to live at Harris Neck until 1942, when they were forced off the land because of a plan to build an Air Force base. The land was used freely by local white authorities until 1962, when it was turned over to the federal Fish and Wildlife Service and became Harris Neck National Wildlife Refuge. Ownership of the land remains contested.[242][243][244]

The United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) has long been viewed as a cause for the decline in black agriculture. According to a 1997 report by the USDA's own Civil Rights Action Team:[245]

There are some who call the USDA 'the last plantation.' An 'old line' department, USDA was one of the last federal agencies to integrate and perhaps the last to include women and minorities in leadership positions. Considered a stubborn bureaucracy and slow to change, USDA is also perceived as playing a key role in what some see as a conspiracy to force minority and socially disadvantaged farmers off their land through discriminatory loan practices.

A class action lawsuit has accused the USDA of systematic discrimination against black farmers from 1981 to 1999. In Pigford v. Glickman (1999), District Court Judge Paul L. Friedman ruled in favor of the farmers and ordered the USDA to pay financial damages for loss of land and revenue.[246] However, the status of full compensation for affected farmers remains unresolved.[247]

Symbolism[edit]

The phrase "40 acres and a mule" has come to symbolize the broken promise that Reconstruction policies would offer economic justice for African Americans.[248][249]

The "40 acres and a mule" promise featured prominently in the class action racial discrimination lawsuit of Pigford v. Glickman. In his opinion, federal judge Paul L. Friedman ruled that the United States Department of Agriculture had discriminated against African-American farmers, and wrote: "Forty acres and a mule. The government broke that promise to African American farmers. Over one hundred years later, the USDA broke its promise to Mr. James Beverly."[250]

In 1989, the U.S. congressional representative for Michigan John Conyers Jr introduced a bill entitled Commission to Study Reparation Proposals for African-Americans Act. The bill was later numbered H.R. 40 as an allusion to the promise.[251]

Reparations[edit]

"40 Acres and a Mule" is often discussed in the context of reparations for slavery. However, strictly speaking, the various policies offering 'forty acres' provided land for political and economic reasons—and with a price tag—and not as unconditional compensation for lifetimes of unpaid labor.[252][253]

In popular culture[edit]

The phrase has been referenced in the film Gone with the Wind, the 1996 song Letter to the President by Tupac Shakur,[251] and multiple tracks on the 2015 album To Pimp a Butterfly by Kendrick Lamar. The phrase has also been referenced in Kanye West's "All Falls Down". It’s also the name of film director Spike Lee’s production company, based in Brooklyn, NY.

See also[edit]

References[edit]

  1. ^ abcGates, Jr., Henry Louis (7 January 2013). "The Truth Behind '40 Acres and a Mule'". The Root.
  2. ^Foner, Eric (2014). Reconstruction: America's unfinished revolution, 1863–1877. Harper. ISBN . OCLC 877900566.[page needed]
  3. ^Miller, Melinda C. (26 June 2019). ""The Righteous and Reasonable Ambition to Become a Landholder": Land and Racial Inequality in the Postbellum South". The Review of Economics and Statistics. 102 (2): 381–394. doi:10.1162/rest_a_00842. ISSN 0034-6535.
  4. ^ abMitchell 2001, pp. 523–524
  5. ^ abFoner 1988, p. 277 "Unlike freedmen in other countries, however, American blacks emerged from slavery convinced both that they had a right to a portion of their former owner's land, and that the national government had committed itself to land distribution."
  6. ^Woodson 1925, p. xv
  7. ^Woodson 1925, pp. xvi–xviii
  8. ^Woodson 1925, pp. xx, xxxviii–xl
  9. ^Woodson 1925, pp. xxiiv–xxiv
  10. ^ abWoodson 1925, pp. xli–xlii
  11. ^Woodson 1925, pp. xxxvi, xlii–xliii
  12. ^Dyer 1943, p. 54
  13. ^Lacy K. Ford (2009). Deliver Us from Evil: The Slavery Question in the Old South. Oxford University Press. p. 62. ISBN .
  14. ^Woodson 1925, pp. xl–xli
  15. ^ abDyer 1943, p. 55
  16. ^ abcBonekemper 1970, pp. 171–172
  17. ^Dyer 1943, p. 53
  18. ^"Draft Constitution of Virginia". 1776.
  19. ^Engs 1979, p. 26. "The North, unprepared for war, was even more unprepared for the burden of caring for thousands of fleeing bondsmen. The only organization which could perform this monumental task was the Union army. But to most army men, freedmen were at best a nuisance. At worst, they were representatives of the despised race for whom Northern white men were being asked to kill or be killed."
  20. ^Bonekemper 1970, p. 169
  21. ^Jackson 1925, p. 133. "Nevertheless, shady though some of his tactics may have been in the opinion of some, Butler is to be rated as famous for the stand he took on that morning of the twenty-fourth of May when he declared that the escaped slave who stood before him should not be returned to his master but that he and all others who so came were to be regarded as contraband of war. From this time forward all escaped and abandoned slaves in the South were frequently known as 'contrabands.'"
  22. ^ abBonekemper 1970, p. 170
  23. ^ abBonekemper 1970, p. 171. "Nevertheless, the housing situation was so desperate that complaints emanated from the Reverend Lockwood, the A.M.A. and the just-organized National Freedmen's Relief Association and led to investigation by the American Freedmen's Inquiry Commission, appointment of Captain C. B. Wilder of Boston to protect the blacks' interests and the construction of large buildings in which the Negroes could live."
  24. ^Jackson 1925, p. 135
  25. ^Boyd 1959, p. 49 "The distress of the six thousand Negroes at Fort Monroe, Virginia, may have influenced Lincoln to proceed despite the Senator's misgivings. A report by Quakers in December, 1862, described the refugees quartered in small rooms, sometimes containing ten to twelve persons each, with insufficient fuel and clothing to keep warm throughout the winter month."
  26. ^Voegeli 2003, p. 767
  27. ^Voegeli 2003, p. 769
  28. ^Voegeli 2003, pp. 776–777
  29. ^Engs 1979, pp. 38–39
  30. ^Engs 1979, pp. 3–4, 25. "During the Civil War, the groups which would shape the post-bellum life of black Hampton came together for the first time. Over that same period, the issues that would inform black and white approaches to freedom, in Hampton and in the South as a whole, crystalized. [...] In these unstable circumstances, Northern whites and Southern blacks had their first large-scale encounter of the war."
  31. ^Rose 1964, pp. 18–19
  32. ^Adam Gurowski (1862). Diary: from March 4, 1861, to November 12, 1862. Boston: Lee and Shepard. p. 121. OL 7135658M.
  33. ^Rose 1964, p. 20. "The rapid change in their status was not working to the advantage of many Sea Island Negroes, and their obvious hardship since the Federal invasion was embarrassing to the government. The army had made free use of plantation food stores, leaving many slave communities with little to eat. [...] Having no place to turn, they flocked to the neighborhood of the army camps. There, they were as often treated badly as offered employment and help. The New York Tribune's correspondent reported that one enterprising and unscrupulous officer was caught in the act of assembling a cargo of Negroes for transportation and sale in Cuba [...]".
  34. ^Rose 1964, p. 240. "Violent examples of race hatred could be found wherever Northern troops came into contact with numbers of freedmen. Even at Port Royal, where Saxton's benevolent protectorate should have deterred overt demonstrations, there were appalling clashes. As late as February of 1863 unruly parties from several regiments, including the 9th New Jersey, the 100th New York, known as 'Les Enfants Perdus', and the 24th Massachusetts, went berserk and terrorized St. Helena Island. They killed and stole livestock, took money from the Negroes, and culminated their outrages in burning all the Negro cabins on the Daniel Jenkins plantations. They beat Negro men and attempted to rape the women, and when the superintendents intervened the soldiers threatened to shoot them."
  35. ^Rose 1964, p. 19
  36. ^Cox 1958, p. 421
  37. ^Rose 1964, pp. 24–25
  38. ^Rose 1964, p. 29
  39. ^ abEdward L. Pierce (1862). The Negroes at Port Royal: Report of E. L. Pierce, Government Agent, to the Hon. Salmon P. Chase, Secretary of the Treasury. Letter dated 3 February 1862. Boston: R. F. Walcutt.
  40. ^Rose 1964, p. 32. "The government would undoubtedly take steps to put the cotton lands under cultivation, but Pierce was well aware that there was a plan alternative to his own that had very serious backing. While he was asking the government to gamble on the success of a novel agricultural experiment, Colonel Reynolds proposed leasing the plantations and the laborers to a private organization. Reynolds' plan had the merit of simplicity and much better prospects of immediate revenue to the government."
  41. ^Rose 1964, pp. 32–33
  42. ^Rose 1964, p. 34. "The young lawyer undoubtedly had hoped to hear some reassuring word from Lincoln about the future status of the Negroes at Port Royal. This was a point that had disturbed many prospective supporters of the educational work, for they feared that after being treated as freemen and trained to support themselves the Negroes might become the victims of 'some unhappy compromise.'"
  43. ^Rose 1964, pp. 37–38
  44. ^Rose 1964, p. 40
  45. ^Rose 1964, pp. 43–44
  46. ^Rose 1964, pp. 64–66, 159–160
  47. ^Rose 1964, pp. 144–146
  48. ^Rose 1964, p. 189
  49. ^Rose 1964, p. 226
  50. ^Rose 1964, pp. 226–228. "It is this exclusive preoccupation with cotton that has given most support to the idea that the planter-missionaries were pure economic imperialists [...]. Their vision of the freed people as agricultural peasants devoted to a single-crop economy and educated to a taste for consumer goods supplied by Northern factories fulfils the classic pattern of tributary economics the world over. It is important to remember that at this early time there seemed nothing conspiratorial about this."
  51. ^Rose 1964, pp. 66–67
  52. ^Rose 1964, p. 141
  53. ^Cox 1958, p. 428
  54. ^Rose 1964, pp. 191–194
  55. ^Oubre 1978, p. 8
  56. ^Rose 1964, pp. 200–204
  57. ^ abcdWilliamson 1965, p. 56
  58. ^Williamson 1965, p. 55
  59. ^ abOubre 1978, p. 9
  60. ^Rose 1964, pp. 212–213, 298.
  61. ^Rose 1964, p. 272
  62. ^Rose 1964, p. 281
  63. ^Rose 1964, pp. 274–275
  64. ^Rose 1964, p. 284
  65. ^Williamson 1965, p. 57
  66. ^Rose 1964, p. 287
  67. ^Rose 1964, p. 290
  68. ^Rose 1964, p. 294
  69. ^Rose 1964, p. 295 "There were ample signs of impending trouble. A group of superintendents returning to St. Helena from the sale of February 26 were met near Land's End by a crowd of freed people, who surrounded them clamoring for information and 'complaining that their land—that they had pre-empted—had been sold away from them, and declaring that they wouldn't work for the purchaser.'"
  70. ^Byrne 1995, p. 109
  71. ^Drago 1973, p. 363
  72. ^Drago 1973, pp. 369–371
  73. ^Drago 1973, p. 372; quoting the Augusta Daily Constitutionalist, 29 January 1865.
  74. ^Byrne 1995, p. 110
  75. ^James 1954, p. 127
  76. ^Byrne 1995, pp. 99–102
  77. ^Byrne 1995, p. 106
  78. ^Cox 1958, p. 429
  79. ^"Negroes of Savannah"(PDF). New York Daily Tribune. (Copy of the Daily Tribune article held by the US National Archives and transcribed by the National Park Service. According to Adjutant General Edward D. Townsend, the formal exchange represents a verbatim account of the meeting.). 13 February 1865.
  80. ^"Order by the Commander of the Military Division of the Mississippi".
  81. ^"Reconstruction ... Forty Acres and a Mule". American Experience.
  82. ^Buescher, John. "Forty Acres and a Mule". Teachinghistory.org. Retrieved 13 July 2011.
  83. ^James (1954). Sherman at Savannah. p. 135.
  84. ^Byrne 1995, pp. 111–112
  85. ^Rose 1964, p. 330
  86. ^Byrne 1995, pp. 112–113
  87. ^""Harmony of Action" – Sherman as an army group commander"(PDF).
  88. ^Cox 1958, p. 429. "But the freedmen quite naturally anticipated permanent possession; and Saxton later testified that he had begged not to be charged with carrying out Sherman's order if the freedmen's expectations were once again to be broken, and that he had received assurances from Secretary Stanton that the Negroes would retain possession of the land."
  89. ^Saville 1994, pp. 19–20
  90. ^Byrne 1995, p. 113
  91. ^Williamson 1965, pp. 54–55

    'Forty acres and a mule', that delightful bit of myopic mythology so often ascribed to the newly freed in the Reconstruction period, at least in South Carolina during the spring and summer of 1865, represented far more than the chimerical rantings of the ignorant darkies, irresponsible soldiers", and radical politicians. On the contrary, it symbolized precisely the policy which the government had already given and was giving mass application in the Sea Islands. Hardly had the troops landed, in November, 1861, before liberal Northerners arrived to begin a series of ambitious experiment in the reconstruction of Southern society. One of these experiments included the redistribution of large landed estates to the Negroes. By the Spring of 1865, this program was well underway, and after August any well-informed intelligent observer in South Carolina would have concluded, as did the Negroes, that some considerable degree of permanent land division was highly probable.

  92. ^ abOubre 1978, pp. 47–48 "By summer of 1865, word of Sherman's Special Field Order, No. 15 had spread throughout the states covered by the order as well as to neighboring states. So great was the desire for land that blacks poured into the reservation in search of their forty-acre plots."
  93. ^ abcWebster 1916, pp. 94–95
  94. ^Rose 1964, p. 332
  95. ^Rose 1964, p. 331
  96. ^ abBelz 2000, pp. 45–46
  97. ^Cox 1958, p. 425 "Disposition of lands and indirectly of Negro labor through Treasury agents to northern lessees brought forth even greater condemnation than direct military supervision. [...] The investigations of James E. Yeatman for the Western Sanitary Commission late in 1863 revealed shocking exploitation and abuse of freedmen working the leased plantations. Attempts during 1864 to remedy those abuses resulted in confusion and conflict of authority between army officers and Treasury agents."
  98. ^Cox 1958, pp. 425–426 "There can be no doubt that these varied wartime experiences, together with the criticism and publicity they evoked, affected the Freedmen's Bureau legislation. They make clear what the framers of its final version were attempting to avoid, namely, government plantation operation, exploitation of Negro labor by northern speculators, abuse and rigorous control of freedmen by southern planters whether in violation of military directives or in collusion with military personnel, even the minute paternalistic regulations drawn to safeguard the freedmen that might lead to a permanent 'pupilage'."
  99. ^Belz 2000, p. 47
  100. ^Belz 2000, pp. 52–53
  101. ^Hermann 1981, pp. 3–9 "The reformer was criticized not so much for his practical failures as for his open rejection of orthodox religion and the institution of marriage. Although Davis did not agree with these radical ideas, he continued to admire the Scottish utopian for his innovative theories. However, the new planter proposed to adopt only the elements of Owen's philosophy that would promote his goal of an efficient, prosperous plantation community."
  102. ^Hermann 1981, pp. 11–16
  103. ^Hermann 1981, pp. 38–47
  104. ^Foner (2011). Reconstruction. p. 59.
  105. ^ abOubre 1978, p. 17
  106. ^Hermann 1981, p. 39
  107. ^ abHermann 1981, p. 50
  108. ^29 July 1865; quoted in Oubre 1978, p. 27
  109. ^Rose 1964, pp. 336–338
  110. ^ abDu Bois 1935, pp. 222–223
  111. ^Cox 1958, p. 413 "Only a few weeks earlier the members of Congress by their approval of the Thirteenth Amendment had agreed that henceforth the Negro was to be a free man, never again a slave; now they took action to put him on the road to economic independence of the type traditional to free men in the 19th-century agrarian Republic, namely, ownership of the land that he tilled."
  112. ^Rose 1964, p. 339 "With the approval of the Thirteenth Amendment, Congress had put its blessing on the free status of Negro Americans; the land provision of the Bureau Act was the natural response of a nation of small farmers to set the black man on the road to economic freedom. The purpose of the Bureau itself was to assure a reasonable and temporary protection for the Negro as he passed into his new condition."
  113. ^Cox 1958, p. 417 "The chief spokesmen for the Republican opposition were James W. Grimes of Iowa, Henry S. Lane of Indiana, and John P. Hale of New Hampshire, all antislavery men who feared that the supervision provided for the freedmen might lead to their abuse. As the New York Herald reported with some satisfaction, the Freedmen's Bureau bill 'was killed by its friends,' a display of independence towards Sumner which the paper found 'quite refreshing.'"
  114. ^Cox 1958, p. 418 Cox quotes "an entirely new bill" from the Congressional Globe. 3 March 1865. p. 1042.
  115. ^ abOubre 1978, pp. 20–21
  116. ^Cox 1958, p. 413 "Implicit in the decision was the acceptance of the fact that the freedmen would not be colonized abroad, as Lincoln and many others less concerned with the Negro's welfare had wished, nor even colonized in designated areas within the home boundaries, but that he should remain a basic economic and social element in his southern homeland."
  117. ^ abOubre 1978, p. 31
  118. ^McFeely 1994, p. 99
  119. ^Andrew Johnson (29 May 1865). "Amnesty Proclamation".
  120. ^James Speed (22 June 1865). "Opinion on Duty of the Commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau".
  121. ^McFeely 1994, pp. 100–101
Sours: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Forty_acres_and_a_mule

81. Kilnacreeva, Stradone, Co. Cavan

Kilnacreeva, Stradone, Co. Cavan

€450,000

28 acres (11.33 hectares) Agricultural Land For Sale

Fintan cahill auctioneers are delighted to bring this wonderful opportunity to acquire 28 acres residential farm. This fully refurbished dwelling is nestled in 28 acres, c. 18 of which is forestry which presents significant investment rewards in the future. The comfortable living space comprises of ...

 

Gerry Mullin Auctioneer Logo

82. Kilreekil, Loughrea, Co. Galway

Kilreekil, Loughrea, Co. Galway

€450,000

16 acres (6.47 hectares) Agricultural Land For Sale

New to the market; four bedroom dormer bungalow standing on 16 acres of land only 10 minutes drive to loughrea. Accommodation; ground floor; entrance porch, hallway with russian timber flooring throughout the residence. Sitting room with open fireplace, ground floor bedroom, kitchen/dining room soli...

Murtagh Bros Logo

83. Church Lane, Ballymore, Co. Westmeath

Church Lane, Ballymore, Co. Westmeath

€450,000

62 acres (25.09 hectares) Agricultural Land For Sale

C. 62-acre non-res. Farm. All under grass. 3 bay hay barn & lean-to. Land: the lands are all under grass, laid out in one undivided parcel and are renowned for their fattening abilities. The lands are well sheltered and have the benefit of a year-round natural water supply. Directions: the lands ...

ERA Downey McCarthy Logo

84. Gortnacross, Mallow, Co. Cork

Gortnacross, Mallow, Co. Cork

€430,000

48.63 acres (19.68 hectares) Agricultural Land For Sale

The property is located within approximately 5 km to the north west of mallow town centre. It has the benefit of extensive frontage to the east side of a minor public road which links kennel hill in mallow with the village of ballyclough. This is primarily an agricultural location with good quality ...

Hodnett Forde Property Services Logo

85. Cruary, Clonakilty, Co. Cork

Cruary, Clonakilty, Co. Cork

€425,000

11.25 acres (4.55 hectares) Agricultural Land For Sale

Residence & outbuildings on c. 11 acres (in one or more lots) this is a most attractive holding, being located just 5kms from clonakilty town. The residence is in excellent condition throughout and the outbuildings offer great potential, subject to planning permission approval. The lands are of...

86. Cahermore, Kinvara, Co. Galway

Cahermore, Kinvara, Co. Galway

€425,000

24.74 acres (10.01 hectares) Agricultural Land For Sale

10. 01 hectares of good agriculture lands standing on these lands is a detached bungalow lands and house maybe sold separately

87. Kiltacky More, Boston, Co. Clare

Kiltacky More, Boston, Co. Clare

€425,000

45.75 acres (18.51 hectares) Agricultural Land For Sale

Kiltacky more, boston, co. Clare - circa 45. 75 acres, 5-bay double shed and 1/3rd share of 26. 25 acre commonage this is an excellent farm of land, approximately 45. 75 acres of limestone land and 1/3rd share of an adjoining commonage. The shed is a 5-bay double shed and there is a covered man...

Wilsons Auctions Logo

88. Ballyvadin, Fethard, Co. Tipperary

Ballyvadin, Fethard, Co. Tipperary

€410,000

40.99 acres (16.59 hectares) Agricultural Land For Sale

Lands ballyvadin, fethard, co tipperary c. 16. 95 ha - c. 40. 99 acres for sale by private treaty by wilsons auctions, kingswood interchange, naas road, dublin 22 superb quality lands location fethard 7km, cashel 12km, clonmel 20km, thurles 23km. The lands are well located on ...

89. Ballykilcline, Kilglass, Co. Roscommon

Ballykilcline, Kilglass, Co. Roscommon

€400,000

62.78 acres (25.41 hectares) Agricultural Land For Sale

Paul lafferty ltd t/a james cleary and sons is delighted to offer new to the market c. 62. 78 acres of good quality land at ballykilcline, kilglass, co. Roscommon. This land is all in one lot, has many streams providing a valuable water source and has 1. 5km of road frontage. Offers in the region of...

Eamonn Drake Auctioneer Logo

90. Ballybrien, Granard, Co. Longford

Ballybrien, Granard, Co. Longford

€400,000

50 acres (20.23 hectares) Agricultural Land For Sale

New to the market c 50 acre non residential farm. The lands laid out in one block mainly of top agricultural quality situated in the heart of an excellent farming area suitable to numberous farming enterprises. There are two access points to the lands, one to the west of the property a short dist...

91. Old Pallas, Pallasgreen, Co. Limerick

Old Pallas, Pallasgreen, Co. Limerick

€400,000

34.5 acres (13.96 hectares) Agricultural Land For Sale

Prime holding of agricultural land for sale in old pallas, pallasgreen, co limerick; comprising of c. 14 hectares (c. 34. 5 acres) in total. The entire of the land is top quality flat grassland, with 23 acres having been reseeded in 2019. The land is in one lot and accessed from the barna road on th...

92. The Demesne, Frenchpark, Co. Roscommon

The Demesne, Frenchpark, Co. Roscommon

€400,000

64 acres (25.9 hectares) Agricultural Land For Sale

c. 64 acres of land for sale at the demesne, frenchpark, co. Roscommon. This land can be sold in lots. Lot 1 13. 5 acres of land with development potential lot 2 14. 9 acres of land lot 3 30. 56 acres of land lot 4 c. 64 acres entire holding including bog plots for further details please...

93. Ballintadder, Carracastle, Co. Mayo

Ballintadder, Carracastle, Co. Mayo

€400,000

43 acres (17.4 hectares) Agricultural Land For Sale

Prime parcel of excellent quality lands comprising a total of c43 acres in two lots located at ballintadder, carracastle, co. Mayo centrally located to carracastle village & charlestown. This holding includes a derelict cottage & derelict outbuildings which have huge potential. This property can be ...

Murtagh Bros Logo

94. Corrydonnellan, Rathowen, Co. Westmeath

Corrydonnellan, Rathowen, Co. Westmeath

€400,000

43.5 acres (17.6 hectares) Agricultural Land For Sale

C. 43. 5-acre non-res farm. Excellent quality grassland good road frontage. Description: corrydonnellan, rathowen consists of c. 43. 5 acres of excellent grazing land in two neat, well fenced divisions with good road frontage to the l1927 and less than 300m off the n4 dublin €" sligo road. Dir...

 

Pat Callanan Property Sales Ltd. Logo

95. Cregmore, Claregalway, Co. Galway

Cregmore, Claregalway, Co. Galway

€400,000

43.98 acres (17.8 hectares) Agricultural Land For Sale

Pat callanan property sales ltd are delighted to offer to the market this exceptional holding of land at cregmore, claregalway, co. Galway. The holding comprises circa 44 acres of excellent quality agricultural land with an internal one kilometre road, fenced with paddocks and with water laid on. Th...

 

GVM Auctioneers - Limerick Logo

96. Foxhall West, Colemanswell, Charleville, Kilmallock, Co. Limerick

Foxhall West, Colemanswell, Charleville, Kilmallock, Co. Limerick

€400,000

Agricultural Land For Sale

For sale by private treaty. A truly superb roadside holding extending to circa 41 st acres or thereabout situated in this thriving agricultural hinterland enjoying good road frontage and with possible site potential. The land is excellent in quality, is well watered and fenced and laid out in easily...

97. Cavanquarter, Ballinrobe, Co. Mayo

Cavanquarter, Ballinrobe, Co. Mayo

€400,000

23.3 acres (9.43 hectares) Agricultural Land For Sale

We are delighted to offer this lovely parcel of land situated on the neale/cong road on the outskirts of ballinrobe. Rarely does such a well-located parcel come to the market. Extending to approximately 23. 3 acres, this is an excellent piece of ground, all in grass with good access and mains water ...

 

Jordan Auctioneers and Chartered Surveyors Logo

98. C. 31.4 Acres At Blackberry Lane, Newbridge, Co. Kildare

C. 31.4 Acres At Blackberry Lane, Newbridge, Co. Kildare

€380,000

31.4 acres (12.71 hectares) Agricultural Land For Sale

Location: the land is located in the townsland of morristown biller and is approx 2 km from newbridge town centre. Newbridge benefits from a host of schools, churches, banks, post office, restaurants and pubs nearby. Commuters have the benefit of a good road and rail infrastructure with the m7 mot...

 

99. Approx. 45 Acres (18.21 Ha), Ballybrack, Carbury, Co. Kildare

Approx. 45 Acres (18.21 Ha), Ballybrack, Carbury, Co. Kildare

€380,000

Agricultural Land For Sale

- prime quality lands in three good sized divisions - lands well maintained and all in grass - frontage offering site potential stpp - fields surrounded by mature hedgerow and stream to one side allenwood 6 km, derrinturn 4 km dublin city and airport 50 minutes guide price € 380,000 type ...

 

Sherry FitzGerald Stephenson Crean Property Management & Sales Advisors Logo

100. Land At, Ballynabrennagh, Kielduff, Tralee, Co. Kerry

Land At, Ballynabrennagh, Kielduff, Tralee, Co. Kerry

€375,000

Agricultural Land For Sale

Rare opportunity to acquire a substantial 44 acre approx. Farm on the northern outskirts of tralee town. The land has been well maintained and offers the discerning purchaser the prospect to add to their existing holding. The holding offer extensive road frontage and is located just over 3km from mu...

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What's Property.ie? Property.ie is Ireland's oldest property search engine that helps you search for property for sale in Ireland and find a house for rent in Ireland. It provides you with detailed research data on the Irish property market in Ireland, Ireland Property and Ireland Rent. We have more than 27,709 residential houses, apartments, flats, new homes and commercial property for sale and rent throughout the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland. We have the widest selection of commercial property for sale and to let in Ireland. Refine your property search in Ireland by property type or by price range.

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40 acres of land for sale

1 - 24of 122properties

2 days ago

40 acres tea farm for sale in Nandi hilss

Nandi Hills, Nandi

40 Acres Tea Farm Bushes For Sale In Nandi-Hills

40 acres tea farm for sale in Nandi hilss
jiji.co.ke
4 days ago

40 acres land for sale in Ngong- saikeri town

Ngong, Kajiado North

40Acre Land For Sale In Ngong- Saikeri Town-Kajiado West.27Km From Ngong Town And 2Km Off Saikeri Town Ready And Clean Title Deed. Good Road Network....

40 acres land for sale in Ngong- saikeri town
jiji.co.ke
24 days ago

400 m Land for Sale in Kiserian

Kajiado North, Kajiado

40 acres K

400 m Land for Sale in Kiserian
buyrentkenya.com
13 days ago

Kabati off Thika road 40 acre land for sale

Kiambu

- 40 Acres Multipurpose Land - Ready Title Deed - Can Be Sold In Blocks Of 10 Acres Minimum And Each Block Has A Ready Title - Ideal For Any Residential/...

Kabati off Thika road 40 acre land for sale
jiji.co.ke
10 days ago

10 acres for sale in komarock

Komarock, Embakasi Central

Ten acres at Kshs 40 million. This ten(10) acre parcel is only 3km from kangundo road, need we say more, this is a great deal, priced at only Kshs 4m/ acre....

10 acres for sale in komarock
jiji.co.ke
12 days ago

50 acres with scenic view of Kilimanjaro and kyulu hills

Emali/Mulala, Kibwezi West

50 Acres For Sale Just Off Mombasa Road In Email- Kaputei Perfect For A Ranch, Gateway Resort Or Farming (Land Is Very Fertile) The Property Has Panoramic Views...

50 acres with scenic view of Kilimanjaro and kyulu hills
jiji.co.ke
30+ days ago

40 AC land for sale in lukenya

Athi River, Mavoko

Lukenya area 500 metres from Mombasa road,5 adjacent parcels,each parcel is 8 acres

40 AC land for sale in lukenya
buyrentkenya.com
28 days ago

40 acres for sale losiketi

Kajiado

This Land Is Located At The Boundary Of Kiambu And Kajiado At Mau Mau Caves Place Called Losiketi. Great For Farming Or For Investors.

40 acres for sale losiketi
jiji.co.ke
30+ days ago

Land for sale in kiserian

Kajiado North, Kajiado

40 acres for sale in kiserian

Land for sale in kiserian
buyrentkenya.com
24 days ago

3/4 acres land for sale

Makuyu, Maragwa

Land for sale at a size of 3/4 acres then you get an offer of 40 by 60 free located at makuyu(murang'a) in between kakuzi farm and delmonte farm, and its going...

3/4 acres land for sale
jiji.co.ke
10 days ago

Malaa very prime plots for sale

Are You Looking For Land Which Has High Potential To Go Up In Price? Buy Land That Has Planned Government Infrastructure. Call For Malaa 1/8 Acres Which Are 5...

Malaa very prime plots for sale
jiji.co.ke
11 days ago

Prime residential plot for sale located utange

Bamburi, Kisauni

Prime Residential Plot For Sale Located Utange Tourching The Main Cabro Old Mombasa Malindi Road Good Location Very Developed Area Ideal For Commercial Building...

Prime residential plot for sale located utange
jiji.co.ke
30+ days ago

24000 m Commercial Land for Sale in Ndaragwa

Ndaragwa, Nyandarua

40 Acres Nyeri Nyahururu road at Mkutano

24000 m Commercial Land for Sale in Ndaragwa
buyrentkenya.com
24 days ago

810 acres GWA kungu (leshau)

Leshau Pondo, Ndaragwa

800 Acres Commercial Agricultural Land On Quick Sale, Located At Equator Mairo Inya Gwa Kung'U Leshau Nyahururu Nyandarua County, Along Nyeri Nyahururu Highway,...

810 acres GWA kungu (leshau)
jiji.co.ke
30+ days ago

Land for Sale in Kikambala

Kilifi South, Kilifi

40 acres of land on sale kikambala , north coast

Land for Sale in Kikambala
buyrentkenya.com
30+ days ago

Prime land of 120 acres for sale

Athi River, Mavoko

A prime 120 acres land on sale in Machakos county at kinanie,athi river. It is in 3 blocks of 40 acres each with a title deed. It is touching kinanie/joska road...

Prime land of 120 acres for sale
jiji.co.ke
30+ days ago

40 acres in mogotio/kisanana

Kisanana, Mogotio

Prime Land For Sale At Cheap Price. For Grass And Animal Rearing. Hurry Up

40 acres in mogotio/kisanana
jiji.co.ke
30+ days ago

100 acres of Mombasa RD syokimau stage

Syokimau/Mulolongo, Mavoko

Sacco Golden Chance For Sure* *40, 50, 100 Acres On Sale Mombasa Road Opposite Syokimau* For Sacco, Chamas. Housing Project. School. Apartments. Godowns....

100 acres of Mombasa RD syokimau stage
jiji.co.ke
13 days ago

10 acres for sale in komarock

Komarock, Embakasi Central

Ten acres at Kshs 40 million. This ten(10) acre parcel is only 3km from kangundo road, need we say more, or shall you just do the paybill thing here ----->>>...

10 acres for sale in komarock
pigiame.co.ke
30+ days ago

40 acres of quarry land available for sale

Juja, Kiambu

40 Acres Quarry Land In Juja Ndarugu, Touching The Ndarugu River. 3Km From Thika Superhighway And 1.5Km From Bob Harris Road (Also Soon To Be Bitumen Road)....

40 acres of quarry land available for sale
jiji.co.ke
8 days ago

Vacant Land / Plot for sale in Shanzu

Shanzu, Kisauni

2 acres for sale in shanzu, near kirua resorttitle deed available.NB: sold as whole.For more details and viewing arrangement contact us or visit our nyali...

Vacant Land / Plot for sale in Shanzu
property24.co.ke
30+ days ago

13 acres plot for sale at komarock Nairobi

Komarock, Embakasi Central

13 Acres For Sale At Komarock 13Km From Nairobi Cbd Ready Title , Access To Water And Electric Access Road Ideal For Both Commercial And Residential Development...

13 acres plot for sale at komarock Nairobi
jiji.co.ke
Reduced price30+ days ago

Prime plot for sale located bamburi

Bamburi, Kisauni

KSh 1,500,000

Prime Residential Plot For Sale Located Utange Majaoni Mombasa Kenya Size 40/80 Acres With Free Hold Title Sale At Ksh 1.4M Call For Viewing Call For More...

Prime plot for sale located bamburi
jiji.co.ke
30+ days ago

40 acres for sale in mashuuru eselenkei Kajiado

Kajiado

This Is A Prime Piece Of Land In Kajiado Off Mashuuru Eselenkei Tarmac On The New Isara - Kajiado Highway. It'S Ideal For Farming,Residential And Speculation...

40 acres for sale in mashuuru eselenkei Kajiado
jiji.co.ke

1 - 24

Sours: https://www.the-star.co.ke/classifieds/land-plots/40-acres-of-land-for-sale.html
40 acres of Land for sale

Here's how much an acre of land is worth in each of contiguous 48 states in the US

Corrections and Clarifications: A previous version of this story incorrectly included the value of farmland and buildings in each state.

Placing an accurate dollar value on America’s land – from natural features such as rivers and mountains to developed lands that include farms and skyscrapers – is virtually impossible. 

Some experts, though, have attempted to arrive at a rough approximation. Based on the work of economist William D. Larson, the total value of the 1.9 billion acres in the contiguous 48 states is nearly $23 trillion – or about $12,000 an acre on average. The federal government’s stake in this land, nearly one-quarter of the acreage, is worth $1.8 trillion.

While an acre of land is valued at less than $2,000 in the least valuable state, an acre goes for more than 100 times that in the most valuable state. 24/7 Wall St. reviewed the estimated value of land in each of the contiguous 48 states using data from Larson’s 2015 study, “New Estimates of Value of Land of the United States.”

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Nearly half of the land in the contiguous United States is used for agriculture – the largest or one of the largest industries in several states. With three-quarters or more of the acreage in eight states used for agriculture, farming is concentrated in some states a great deal more than others. In total, according to the latest estimate by the U.S. Department of Agriculture, farmland and agricultural buildings in the United States are worth a combined $200 billion-plus.

Whether an acre of land is part of a sprawling farm or a dense metro area, its value is mostly determined by its use. Developed land, defined as area covered by roads and buildings, accounts for only 6% of the acreage in the contiguous 48 states, yet it holds more than half of the total value. Developed tracts in many cases house some of the nation’s largest economic engines – and many people live inside dense urban areas where demand for real estate is high. Many of the most valuable states are home to some of America’s richest cities.

Wyoming

48. Wyoming

• Value per acre: $1,558

• Total value: $97 billion (4th lowest)

• GDP per capita: $61,091 (6th highest)

• Median home value: $214,300 (20th highest)

47. New Mexico

• Value per acre: $1,931

• Total value: $150 billion (11th lowest)

• GDP per capita: $41,619 (12th lowest)

• Median home value: $171,300 (19th lowest)

46. Nevada

• Value per acre: $2,116

• Total value: $149 billion (10th lowest)

• GDP per capita: $44,812 (19th lowest)

• Median home value: $258,200 (13th highest)

45. South Dakota

• Value per acre: $2,135

• Total value: $103 billion (5th lowest)

• GDP per capita: $48,004 (24th highest)

• Median home value: $167,600 (17th lowest)

Montana

44. Montana

• Value per acre: $2,283

• Total value: $213 billion (16th lowest)

• GDP per capita: $39,833 (10th lowest)

• Median home value: $231,300 (16th highest)

43. North Dakota

• Value per acre: $2,517

• Total value: $110 billion (6th lowest)

• GDP per capita: $64,911 (3rd highest)

• Median home value: $194,700 (24th highest)

42. Nebraska

• Value per acre: $2,936

• Total value: $144 billion (9th lowest)

• GDP per capita: $54,654 (13th highest)

• Median home value: $155,800 (12th lowest)

Idaho

41. Idaho

• Value per acre: $3,435

• Total value: $182 billion (14th lowest)

• GDP per capita: $36,441 (2nd lowest)

• Median home value: $207,100 (22nd highest)

40. Kansas

• Value per acre: $4,220

• Total value: $220 billion (17th lowest)

• GDP per capita: $47,435 (24th lowest)

• Median home value: $150,600 (10th lowest)

39. Arizona

• Value per acre: $4,328

• Total value: $315 billion (21st lowest)

• GDP per capita: $39,583 (9th lowest)

• Median home value: $223,400 (19th highest)

Utah

38. Utah

• Value per acre: $4,664

• Total value: $247 billion (20th lowest)

• GDP per capita: $45,493 (21st lowest)

• Median home value: $275,100 (9th highest)

37. Mississippi

• Value per acre: $5,565

• Total value: $166 billion (13th lowest)

• GDP per capita: $32,447 (the lowest)

• Median home value: $120,200 (2nd lowest)

36. Maine

• Value per acre: $6,142

• Total value: $122 billion (8th lowest)

• GDP per capita: $39,521 (8th lowest)

• Median home value: $191,200 (24th lowest)

Colorado

35. Colorado

• Value per acre: $6,462

• Total value: $429 billion (16th highest)

• GDP per capita: $54,026 (14th highest)

• Median home value: $348,900 (3rd highest)

34. Oregon

• Value per acre: $6,503

• Total value: $400 billion (20th highest)

• GDP per capita: $51,312 (20th highest)

• Median home value: $319,200 (6th highest)

33. Iowa

• Value per acre: $6,590

• Total value: $235 billion (19th lowest)

• GDP per capita: $52,284 (17th highest)

• Median home value: $149,100 (9th lowest)

32. Arkansas

• Value per acre: $6,739

• Total value: $224 billion (18th lowest)

• GDP per capita: $36,714 (3rd lowest)

• Median home value: $128,500 (3rd lowest)

31. Kentucky

• Value per acre: $7,209

• Total value: $183 billion (15th lowest)

• GDP per capita: $39,277 (7th lowest)

• Median home value: $141,000 (5th lowest)

30. Missouri

• Value per acre: $7,233

• Total value: $318 billion (22nd lowest)

• GDP per capita: $43,036 (13th lowest)

• Median home value: $156,700 (13th lowest)

29. Oklahoma

• Value per acre: $7,364

• Total value: $323 billion (23rd lowest)

• GDP per capita: $44,535 (17th lowest)

• Median home value: $137,400 (4th lowest)

28. Vermont

• Value per acre: $7,439

• Total value: $44 billion (the lowest)

• GDP per capita: $44,831 (20th lowest)

• Median home value: $226,300 (17th highest)

Texas

27. Texas

• Value per acre: $7,542

• Total value: $1.3 trillion (2nd highest)

• GDP per capita: $53,737 (15th highest)

• Median home value: $172,200 (20th lowest)

26. Minnesota

• Value per acre: $8,191

• Total value: $416 billion (17th highest)

• GDP per capita: $54,805 (12th highest)

• Median home value: $224,000 (18th highest)

25. Wisconsin

• Value per acre: $9,924

• Total value: $344 billion (24th highest)

• GDP per capita: $48,666 (21st highest)

• Median home value: $178,900 (22nd lowest)

24. West Virginia

• Value per acre: $10,537

• Total value: $162 billion (12th lowest)

• GDP per capita: $37,353 (4th lowest)

• Median home value: $119,800 (the lowest)

$12,356

• Total value: $400 billion (19th highest)

• GDP per capita: $37,508 (5th lowest)

• Median home value: $141,300 (7th lowest)

22. Louisiana

• Value per acre: $12,908

• Total value: $354 billion (23rd highest)

• GDP per capita: $44,372 (16th lowest)

• Median home value: $162,500 (15th lowest)

Georgia

21. Georgia

• Value per acre: $14,242

• Total value: $528 billion (12th highest)

• GDP per capita: $45,925 (22nd lowest)

• Median home value: $173,700 (21st lowest)

20. Tennessee

• Value per acre: $14,411

• Total value: $380 billion (22nd highest)

• GDP per capita: $44,348 (15th lowest)

• Median home value: $167,500 (16th lowest)

19. North Carolina

• Value per acre: $16,230

• Total value: $506 billion (14th highest)

• GDP per capita: $44,706 (18th lowest)

• Median home value: $171,200 (18th lowest)

18. Washington

• Value per acre: $16,752

• Total value: $716 billion (10th highest)

• GDP per capita: $59,333 (8th highest)

• Median home value: $339,000 (4th highest)

17. Indiana

• Value per acre: $16,903

• Total value: $387 billion (21st highest)

• GDP per capita: $46,427 (23rd lowest)

• Median home value: $141,100 (6th lowest)

South Carolina

16. South Carolina

• Value per acre: $17,610

• Total value: $339 billion (24th lowest)

• GDP per capita: $37,637 (6th lowest)

• Median home value: $161,800 (14th lowest)

15. New Hampshire

• Value per acre: $19,840

• Total value: $114 billion (7th lowest)

• GDP per capita: $52,509 (16th highest)

• Median home value: $263,600 (12th highest)

14. Virginia

• Value per acre: $21,921

• Total value: $555 billion (11th highest)

• GDP per capita: $52,124 (18th highest)

• Median home value: $273,400 (10th highest)

13. Illinois

• Value per acre: $23,492

• Total value: $833 billion (9th highest)

• GDP per capita: $55,102 (11th highest)

• Median home value: $195,300 (23rd highest)

12. Michigan

• Value per acre: $23,765

• Total value: $865 billion (7th highest)

• GDP per capita: $44,201 (14th lowest)

• Median home value: $155,700 (11th lowest)

Florida

11. Florida

• Value per acre: $28,961

• Total value: $1.0 trillion (4th highest)

• GDP per capita: $39,842 (11th lowest)

• Median home value: $214,000 (21st highest)

10. Pennsylvania

• Value per acre: $31,923

• Total value: $914 billion (6th highest)

• GDP per capita: $51,841 (19th highest)

• Median home value: $181,200 (23rd lowest)

9. Ohio

• Value per acre: $32,077

• Total value: $838 billion (8th highest)

• GDP per capita: $48,188 (23rd highest)

• Median home value: $144,200 (8th lowest)

California

8. California

• Value per acre: $39,092

• Total value: $3.9 trillion (the highest)

• GDP per capita: $60,359 (7th highest)

• Median home value: $509,400 (the highest)

7. New York

• Value per acre: $41,314

• Total value: $1.2 trillion (3rd highest)

• GDP per capita: $65,220 (2nd highest)

• Median home value: $314,500 (7th highest)

6. Delaware

• Value per acre: $57,692

• Total value: $72 billion (2nd lowest)

• GDP per capita: $63,955 (4th highest)

• Median home value: $252,800 (15th highest)

5. Maryland

• Value per acre: $75,429

• Total value: $470 billion (15th highest)

• GDP per capita: $56,375 (10th highest)

• Median home value: $312,500 (8th highest)

4. Massachusetts

• Value per acre: $102,214

• Total value: $517 billion (13th highest)

• GDP per capita: $66,500 (the highest)

• Median home value: $385,400 (2nd highest)

3. Connecticut

• Value per acre: $128,824

• Total value: $400 billion (18th highest)

• GDP per capita: $62,633 (5th highest)

• Median home value: $273,100 (11th highest)

2. Rhode Island

• Value per acre: $133,730

• Total value: $90 billion (3rd lowest)

• GDP per capita: $48,314 (22nd highest)

• Median home value: $257,800 (14th highest)

New Jersey

1. New Jersey

• Value per acre: $196,410

• Total value: $930 billion (5th highest)

• GDP per capita: $56,776 (9th highest)

• Median home value: $334,900 (5th highest)


Methodology

To identify the most (and least) valuable states, 24/7 Wall St. reviewed the estimated average land value for each state from an April 2015 working paper by William Larson for the Bureau of Economic Analysis. To generate a comprehensive valuation of the 48 contiguous states, Larson's study, “New Estimates of Value of Land of the United States,” presented a range of land value models for estimating land prices in 2009. The GDP-per-capita figures came from the Bureau of Economic Analysis and are for 2017. The U.S. Census Bureau’s 2017 American Consumer Survey 1-Year Estimates served as the source for the median home value data and figures are for 2017.

24/7 Wall Street is a USA TODAY content partner offering financial news and commentary. Its content is produced independently of USA TODAY.

Poorest cities:These are the poorest cities in every state in the US

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Sours: https://www.usatoday.com/story/money/2019/05/08/the-most-and-least-valuable-states/39442329/

Acres land cost of 40

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Commercial Land, Highway Frontage

41.47 Acres : Estancia : Torrance County : New Mexico : $59,997

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20 Acres Homesite, Off-Grid : Tonasket : Okanogan County : Washington

Be Sure To Visit Our Website To Enter Our Free Land Giveaway Contest. The Winner Will Be Drawn On Christmas. Owner Finance: $9,900 down, then $595/Month for 10 years. (Plus $26/Month service fee and $2.90/Month property tax) Call for other payment plan options. Cash Discounted Price: $54,900...

Showcase20 Acres : $54,900
35 Acres, Mountain View, Electric : Alamosa : Colorado

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Showcase35.83 Acres : $39,900
Paved Road, Electricity & Wetlands : Levant : Penobscot County : Maine

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Showcase42 Acres : $39,997
Commercial Land, Highway Frontage : Estancia : Torrance County : New Mexico

41.47 Acres of Land for Sale in New Mexico with Half a Mile of Highway Frontage on the Paved State Highway 41. Financing is Available for the Property with a Down Payment of as little as 30% (which equals $18,000) and Monthly Payments as low as $580. The $499 Deposit to secure this property is...

Showcase41.47 Acres : $59,997
Hunting Land with Power Border Blm : Alcova : Carbon County : Wyoming

40 Acres with Road Access, Electricity, Rock Formations & Mountain Views bordering over 30,000 Acres of contiguous BLM land. Financing is Available for the Property with a Down Payment of as little as 25% ($37,500) and Monthly Payments as low as $1,035. The $499 Deposit to secure this property is...

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Ye Know Ye Want ME Booty : Boron : San Bernardino County : California

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Free Range Exotics, Feral Hogs : Rocksprings : Edwards County : Texas

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20 Ac, Beautiful Mountains, $229/Mo : Sierra Blanca : Hudspeth County : Texas

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20 Ac, Beautiful West TX Mountains : Sierra Blanca : Hudspeth County : Texas

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Showcase20 Acres : $29,900
Stunning Land Parcel of Your Dreams : Perry : Taylor County : Florida

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Feature21.55 Acres : $134,900
Arizona's Best Land Buy : Saint Johns : Apache County : Arizona

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Feature36 Acres : $38,900
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Feature36.10 Acres : $75,000
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Feature20 Acres : $14,500
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Feature28.70 Acres : $93,275
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Feature20 Acres : $18,800
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39 Acres : $119,900
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Be Sure To Visit Our Website To Enter Our Free Land Giveaway Contest. The Winner Will Be Drawn On Christmas. Owner Finance: $10,990 down, then $1,307.10/Month for 10 years. (Plus $26/Month service fee and $5.57/Month property tax) Call for other payment plan options. Cash Discounted Price: $109,900...

40 Acres : $109,900
40 Acres, Build The Ranch Here : San Luis : Costilla County : Colorado

Are you looking to build a Ranch? Here is 40 acres of prime Costilla County Colorado land with easy access to Highway 159. Very little dirt road traveling will make hauling in and out very easy. This 40 acres is level and ready to build. Homesteading will be easy here as it can be permitted 2...

40.38 Acres : $39,900

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40± Acres of Land For Sale - Maine Real Estate

40 Acres and a Mule Would Be at Least $6.4 Trillion Today—What the U.S. Really Owes Black America

Slavery made America wealthy, and racist policies since have blocked African American wealth-building. Can we calculate the economic damage?

Download a PDF of this infographic:

11×17 poster format , 8.5×11 vertical format

Sources:

Introduction:http://theconversation.com/slavery-in-america-back-in-the-headlines-33004http://www.civil-war.net/census.asp?census=Total1. 1.5 million pounds in 1790 and 2.25 billion pounds in 1859, based on Empire of Cotton, by Sven Beckert (2014) pgs. 104, 106 77% based on: Cotton and Race in the Making of America: The Human Costs of Economic Power, by Gene Dattel (2009) http://mshistorynow.mdah.state.ms.us/articles/161/cotton-in-a-global-economy-mississippi-1800-1860 Joshua Rothman, email correspondence, 2015 http://eh.net/encyclopedia/the-economics-of-the-civil-war/http://abrahamlincolnsclassroom.org/abraham-lincoln-in-depth/abraham-lincoln-and-civil-war-finance 48.3% in 1860 according to Gavin Wright, Slavery and American Economic Development (LSU Press, 2006, paperback 2013) [personal communication] 2.http://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1073&context=jlaschttp://www.archives.gov/exhibits/featured_documents/dc_emancipation_act/http://philosophy.fullerton.edu/people/2007%20-%20Heiner%20-%20Abolition%20Democracy%20-%20Rad%20Phil%20Today%205.pdfhttp://www.cjcj.org/uploads/cjcj/documents/slavery_in.PDFhttp://www.economist.com/news/leaders/21583992-fifty-years-after-martin-luther-kings-speech-fixing-americas-racial-ills-requires-new/comments?page=8 The Politics of Despair: Power and Resistance in the Tobacco Wars. Tracy Campbell, 2015 7% based on: Documents of the Assembly of the State of New York, Vol. 4. 1979. 3.http://www.ssa.gov/policy/docs/ssb/v70n4/v70n4p49.html 70-80%, according to: http://www.theatlantic.com/features/archive/2014/05/the-case-for-reparations/361631/#ii-a-difference-of-kind-not-degreehttp://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/CREC-2010-08-05/html/CREC-2010-08-05-pt1-PgS6836.htmhttp://www.farmaid.org/atf/cf/%7B6ef41923-f003-4e0f-a4a6-ae0031db12fb%7D/FARM_AID_2014_ISSUE_BRIEF-BLACK_FARMING_AND_LAND_LOSS.PDFhttp://www.racialequitytools.org/resourcefiles/lui.pdfhttp://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1073&context=jlasc4.https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/library/publications/2014/demo/p60-249.pdf Dime based on: http://www.insightcced.org/uploads/CRWG/LayingTheFoundationForNationalProsperity-MeizhuLui0309.pdfhttp://newsreel.org/guides/race/whiteadv.htm $59 trillion: http://activistteacher.blogspot.com/2013/01/calculated-minimum-reparation-due-to.html $15 trillion: National Legal and Policy Center: http://www.newsmax.com/Newsfront/obama-reparations-black-farmers/2010/02/21/id/350458/ $25 trillion:  http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/WPcap/1999-11/23/047r-112399-idx.html Martin Luther King: http://www.theroot.com/articles/history/2014/07/mlk_s_case_for_reparations_included_disadvantaged_whites.html


Tracy Matsue Loeffelholz
Tracy Matsue Loeffelholzis the creative director at YES!, where she directs artistic and visual components of YES! Magazine, and drives branding across the organization. She specializes in infographic research and design, and currently works with The Nation, in addition to YES! She has previously worked at The Seattle Times, The Virginian-Pilot, Scripps Howard Newspapers, Rocky Mountain News, The Denver Post, The Connecticut Post, The San Diego Tribune, The Honolulu Advertiser. She lives on Bainbridge Island, Washington, and currently serves on the board of the Bainbridge Island Japanese American Exclusion Memorial Association. Tracy speaks English.

Sours: https://www.yesmagazine.org/issue/make-right/2015/05/14/infographic-40-acres-and-a-mule-would-be-at-least-64-trillion-today

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